Imagine a scenario in which the major powers of Europe and North America had come together in a political-military alliance in the early 1930s, pooling their diplomatic, economic and defense resources to counter the rising menace of Nazi Germany. 

Under this storyline, it is highly unlikely that Hitler’s plans for world domination would have gotten very far. The Third Reich’s attacks on its neighbors would have been stymied at the attempted “Anschluss” with Austria in early 1938 or, at the very latest, in the Czechoslovak crisis (the infamous Munich Conference) in September of that fateful year. 

Without an opposing 1930s version of today’s North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Hitler’s insatiable thirst for conquest went unchecked until Germany’s invasion of Poland on Sept. 1, 1939, setting in motion the most-destructive war in human history.

Fast-forward 80 years to our current era and consider what might be happening in Eastern Europe if there was no NATO.  While some may not consider Russia a peer competitor of the United States and like-minded democracies across the globe, that represents a naïveté reminiscent of British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain at the aforementioned Munich Conference that shamefully sealed the Czechs’ fate in 1938. 

Make no mistake, without countervailing NATO forces to check his revanchist ambitions, Tsar Vladimir (I want to be) the Great would not hesitate to continue rolling westward, gobbling up lesser known countries (the Baltic states, Romania, Poland, etc.) caught in the geographic no-man's land between Germany and Russia. In the immortal words of George Kennan, arguably America’s most-renowned 20th century expert on Russia, “the jealous and intolerant eye of the Kremlin can distinguish, in the end, only vassals and enemies, and the neighbors of Russia, if they do not wish to be one, must reconcile themselves to being the other.”

Which brings us back to the efficacy of NATO. While it is understandable that many in America have complained vociferously about the lack of financial commitment for common defense by numerous pact members, that is a poor reason for Washington to turn its back on probably the most-successful military alliance in history. Furthermore, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has awakened most of NATO from its post-Cold War lethargy. In 2022 only seven NATO countries reached the desired 2% of GDP defense spending; in 2023 that number rose to 11 members, with 18 projected to meet the mark this year. Thus, real world events, not schoolyard bloviating from U.S. politicians, is motivating the alliance’s rearmament. 

America faces myriad security challenges in the world, from China’s designs on Taiwan to instability in the Middle East to a renewal of historic Russian territorial aggrandizement in Eastern Europe to maintaining critical sea lines of communication for international trade. NATO provides America with like-minded allies in a proven alliance to frustrate Vladimir Putin’s expansionist goals in Europe, in the process freeing up U.S. assets for countering other threats. The current age of globalism includes opportunities and responsibilities, which are better addressed collectively, with allies that share America’s values. In short, America is more secure as part of NATO.

To those who claim America’s relationship with NATO is a one-way street, devoid of benefits to Washington, the alliance’s response to the 9/11 attacks disproved that line of reasoning. In fact, within 24 hours of the al-Qaeda strikes, NATO invoked Article 5 (the only time it has been put into effect) of the alliance charter, pledging full support to Washington. That invocation translated into tangible force contributions -- boots on the ground -- from multiple member states (Germany, France, the Czech Republic, Turkey, to name a few) to the U.S. war in Afghanistan.

Ditching NATO and retreating to a “fortress America,” while popular in some quarters in this country, is a tried-and-true recipe for disaster.  One need only turn the clock back 80 years to see the inherent danger of the siren song of isolationism. Lest we forget, those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.

Robert Beck of Peterborough served for 30 years overseas with the United States government in embassies in Europe, the Middle East and Asia. He now teaches foreign policy classes at Keene State College’s Cheshire Academy for Lifelong Learning.